Flux: International Relations Review

During the Bosnian War (1992-1995), despite the efforts of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), thousands of lives were lost in heinous attacks on Bosnian Muslims, perpetrated mostly by Bosnian Serbs. Using a constructivist approach, this paper investigates why the United Nations (UN) failed in their mandate to protect the Bosnian people. To do so, it examines the deeply entrenched norms that have traditionally guided UN peacekeeping – namely, impartiality and non-use of force. By tracing the key events that defined the UN’s involvement in this conflict in relation to existing theoretical models of norm emergence and evolution, the paper finds that the UN’s strict adherence to these principles significantly contributed to their failure to achieve their objectives. This is evidenced by the limited capacity of the UN peacekeepers during the conflict, the swift improvement of conditions following the replacement of UNPROFOR with the NATO-led Implementation Force, and the developments within the UN that ensued in the following years. The paper concludes with potential implications of these findings and suggestions for further research.

Avery Franken

Flux International Relations Review

Too Little, Too Late: The Constraining Effect of Traditional Peacekeeping Norms On the UN Protection Forces and its Consequences

太少，太迟：传统维和规范对联合国保护部队行动的制约及其后果

Since the founding of the first Israeli and Palestinian soccer clubs in 1906 and 1908, respectively, sport has played an intimate role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Whether as a training ground for counter-insurgency operations or an extension of the nation’s foreign policy apparatus, sport has been utilized by both parties as a tool for peacebuilding and nation-building. The purpose of this article is to examine whether sport, through what is termed sport diplomacy, can help establish the conditions necessary for successful peace negotiations in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. To this effect, the paper adopts the analytical lens of sport as a form of soft power. Following this framework, the paper considers how sport diplomacy operates as a tool for image-building, constructing a platform for dialogue, trust building, and as a catalyst for reconciliation in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The article concludes that sport can indeed help establish the conditions needed for successful peace negotiations; however, sport should not yet be employed as a path to reconciliation until such time as a political peace is firmly established.

Ender McDuff

Sport Diplomacy: Sport’s Impact as a Form of Soft Power on Peacebuilding and Nation-Building in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

体育外交：体育作为软实力对以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突中的和平建设与国家建设的影

Since 2015, approximately 4.8 million Venezuelans have fled from their homes in search of refuge from the country’s economic crisis and increasingly volatile political climate. As in other instances of mass displacement, they have not moved far, as nearly 80% of Venezuelan migrants have remained in continental South America. This essay analyzes how states and citizens have responded to the sudden influx of Venezuelan refugees from 2015 to the present. First, it shall offer a brief overview of the history of immigration policy in Latin America from the twentieth century to the early 2000s, exploring both regional and international initiatives. It then analyzes the novel, early responses of South American governments to Venezuelan refugees, finding, that, while regional and national policies were often devised with the intent of accommodation, in practice, these measures suffer from uneven implementation. Next, the paper interrogates the rightward shift in migration policy and discourse in recent years. While the extent and scope of policy change remain to be seen, the discursive and political turn towards restrictionism represents an alarming turn towards securitized immigration policy in the context of a conflict that shows no signs of stopping. Ultimately, this essay finds that the South American response to this crisis has been limited in its ability to provide accessible solutions, cooperate on a regional level, and maintain the same policies over time. Thus, it presents a challenge not only to individual states, but to the region’s ability to coordinate meaningful solutions.

Alanna Sereboff

"The only thing one can do in America is emigrate”: South American Responses to the Venezuelan Migration Crisis

“在美国唯一能做的就是移民”：南美洲对委内瑞拉移民危机的反应

Abstract Along with a moment of peace in the middle of the 20th century came large changes in the world order; namely the rise of newly independent nations and the formation of supranational organisations. The Middle East was the first region to establish an intergovernmental security network after 1945 when the Arab League was created. While the institution has had several opportunities to prove itself capable of uniting and pacifying a region often described to be “without regionalism,” it has rather served as a tool in the toolbox of Arab nationalist leaders like Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser to solidify their political legitimacy and maintain a strict policy of non-interference. The League’s failure to provide a place for mediation and resolution of regional conflicts further undermines its effectiveness. The Arab Spring that swept across the region beginning in 2009 brought optimistic projections for the League’s capacity to deal with the conflict, particularly following the League’s suspension of Syria following brutal repression of demonstrations in 2010. Is the failure of the League a product poor design at its offset or could it provide a hopeful forecast for increased regional cooperation and peacebuilding in the Middle East? Without bark and without bite, the latter will be difficult to achieve.

Elisabeth Hedstrom

The Arab League has No Bark and No Bite

阿拉伯联盟有名无实

Following the Russian Federation’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014, the Kremlin constructed a legitimizing narrative to justify its inflammatory foreign policy decision. This narrative in turn builds an argument for the legality of the annexation, as well as one for its morality. These arguments were presented as the driving forces for its decision to occupy and annex the peninsula and then diffused by Russia’s political class in addition to their security-related justifications. But a closer examination of these arguments and how they relate to realities on the ground suggests they are closer to being pretexts for the annexation than being its driving forces. This narrative offers a glimpse into how the Kremlin uses notions of identity, historical links, and international norms championed by the west to legitimize its foreign policies on the international scene.

Presian Dragiev

Russia’s Legitimizing Narrative for Annexation: Impetus or Pretext?

俄罗斯吞并行为的合法化叙事：动力还是借口？

The divergent trajectories in the legalization of same-sex marriage amidst disparate levels of religiosity challenges conventional wisdom about the relationship between religion, state, and society. Contrary to the conventional belief that higher religiosity in countries fosters conservative views and resistance to progressive social reforms, Argentina and Chile present an intriguing anomaly. Utilizing data from the World Values Survey and examining the historical, political, and social contexts of each country, this paper seeks to understand why Argentina, with its higher religiosity and constitutional favoritism towards Catholicism, became the first Latin American country to legalize same-sex marriage in 2010, while Chile, less religious but more socially conservative, followed much later in 2021. The paper explores the divergent pre and post-dictatorship economic philosophies, governmental structures, sociopolitical landscapes and the distinct roles of the Catholic Church in 21st century Chilean and Argentine politics. It argues that in Argentina, individual political views and a vibrant civil society have developed independently of religious beliefs, fostering a political culture more open to progressive social reform. Conversely, Chile’s entrenched neoliberal policies and the Catholic Church’s sustained influence in Chilean civil society align with more conservative social values, impeding similar progress. These findings challenge the assumption that higher levels of religiosity necessarily correlate with social conservatism and underscore the complex interplay between religion, government, and social values. This research not only illuminates the nuanced dynamics at play in the legal recognition of same-sex marriage in Latin America but also suggests broader implications for understanding the impact of religiosity on political and social attitudes globally.

Jacob Wesoky

A Pious Paradox

虔诚的悖论

From 1901-1942, the Ethical Policy era in the Dutch East Indies was a period when ‘ethical’ colonial policies, which sought to retain the cultural integrity and welfare of the Indonesian people were introduced by Dutch colonial authorities. These ethical policies included strengthening Indonesia’s agricultural economy to bolster local welfare, as well as integrating traditional Indonesian laws and values (adat) into their labour policies—particularly for female labourers. This paper explores the effects of Dutch Ethical Policy on the labour conditions for Indonesian women by examining the consequences of agricultural expansion, how adat is retained in labour policies, perceptions of Dutch versus Indonesian women, and the female night labour bill of 1925. It posits that the Netherlands used pretenses of promoting Indonesian welfare and retaining traditional customs to justify and cover their complacency in the hazardous labour conditions for Indonesian women as a means to earn more profit from crop yields.

Kelly Tan

Tending to Tradition?

倾向于传统？

This essay examines the European Union’s (EU) response to refugee migration, focusing on policy contributions, national approaches, and prospects for collaboration. By analyzing the 2015 European migrant crisis and the ongoing Ukrainian refugee crisis, it elucidates the complexities surrounding refugee migration in the EU. The study explores EU legislative developments, including the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, and evaluates divergent national perspectives, ideological barriers, and challenges to collaboration within the organization. It underscores the importance of solidarity and equitable burden-sharing in addressing refugee migration. Using theoretical analysis and empirical evidence, this paper offers insights into the EU’s efforts to manage refugee migration and the implications for future policymaking and collaboration.

Julia Gomez

A Comprehensive Analysis of National and Supranational Approaches to Refugee Migration within the Framework of European Integration

欧洲一体化框架下国家与超国家层面难民迁移方法的综合分析

Sexual violence has increasingly been recognised – and framed – as a war crime. This essay seeks to unpack the normative and epistemological elements of this discourse. The literature is dominated by peacetime studies of gender and language which fail to analyse elements of shock and labels in the construction of the actors at play. This paper seeks to understand how language, power and media work together to infantilize women and create an implicit dichotomy of victims and survivors. Drawing on critical feminist and post-structural theories, it is argued that media agents play a significant role in shaping perception and defining policy on wartime rape, through language patterns and themes. It is concluded that the language employed by news articles contributes to the gendered socialization of wartime rape. The argument is illustrated by a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of two news channels, Al Jazeera and Fox News, which seeks to identify the common discursive themes and demonstrates that the rhetoric employed is self-perpetuating and is conducive to gendered assumptions and shortcomings.

Morgana Angeli

Language, Power, and the Media in the Portrayal of Wartime Sexual Violence

语言、权力与媒体：战争性暴力的描绘

The aim of this study is to investigate why Türkiye might be interested in acquiring nuclear weapons and pursuing armament, and understand whether its nuclear aspirations are truly feasible. In line with existing theoretical nuclear armament models, particularly through realist and idealist views, this paper will determine whether nuclear proliferation in Türkiye can be expected. Considering that in recent years the Middle East region has had points of tension in relation to nuclear developments, it is essential to consider the ways in which international norms, Türkiye’s domestic context, and the role of political figures have impacted Ankara’s nuclear energy policy and demands for nuclear Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). By providing a detailed critique, and by taking into account the significance of the re-election of Recep Tayyip Erdogan in the 2023 Presidential elections, this article will provide a nuanced understanding to Türkiye’s foreign and domestic policies, whilst providing a new perspective to armament theories.

Publication Information	Publisher: McGill University Library and Archives，Publishing cycle: ，Journal Type: journal，Open Access Journals: No
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Flux: International Relations Review

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